Adhere to The Four Nosts and Stroikas; Not a Nost or Stroika Off Course!

19 July 2025.

Contents:

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I. Introduction

II. Gladsnost

III. Politstroika

IV. Disclosnost

V. Theorestroika

VI. The Unaccounted Nost and Stroika

VII. Kulturnost

VIII. Spiristroika

IX. Final Statements

X. Currently Practicable Policies to Begin Implementation

XI. Further Readings on Reform-Leninism

XII. Slogans to Promote the Ideals of the Four Nosts and Stroikas

I. Introduction

Comrades, you may be fatigued by talk of Gladsnost and Politstroika, you may be sighing for the simpler or better days of a Stalin or a Brezhnev. Well breathe in relief, comrades, for I have heard your tire, and bring out rest from it.

Now we will not just speak of the old Gladsnost and Politstroika, but add to the agenda on Reform also the policies of Disclosnost and Theorestroika, together forming the platform of the Four Nosts and Stroikas. These Nosts and Stroikas are a hardly separable package, and where one advances the others must soon follow, or the gaining light of Reform-Leninism shall soon fade. Such is not a call to recklessness, nor rampant deconstruction, however. Lurking under our feet will be worms seeking overthrow through ,,radical'', extremist reform of the restorationist type.

But what are the Four Nosts and Stroikas? Let us explore the purview and intentions of each policy individually.

II. Gladsnost

As every comrade knows by now, Gladsnost is the policy of Cordialness, both in and by the Left.

As we have examined*, the Left nay longer values the social or political importance of friendship, which also proves a foundational element of comradery. Some may object that comradery is merely a party or ideological designation— hardly a personal relation, whether individual or collective. I think this simply an example of how far the Left has socially fallen.

*See the first and third article under section eleven of this article (Further Readings on Reform-Leninism).

Presently, there is one programme associated with Gladsnost, the Comradely Rehabilitation Initiative (Commrehabin), to expand the noble and kind title of comrade to many past comrades whose disagreements raged out of proper control from acceptable bounds. The Commrehabin is supported by the efforts of TOAC. Unfortunately, this organisation is the only one to recognise the Four Nosts and Stroikas for the moment.

Another possible programme, but which will require more manpower, is the creation of friendship kommissars: officers whose two functions will be to attempt the propagation (fostering, then reinforcing) of friendships amongst Leftists, and to hopefully resolve disagreements or clashes amongst comrades without the threat of official/party involvement. In essence, friendship kommissars would be a counter-weight to internal affairs kommissars (Chekists). Nay Chekists without Friendkomms on the scene! This is just a single rally cry of Reform, with many more.

III. Politstroika

Politstroika variously means Political Standing, Political Restructuring, or most commonly now, Political Upstanding. The latter play on words is more accurate to the full definition of Politstroika: the policy is both a promotion of upstanding comrades taking charge, acclaiming such upstanding behaviour and ingenuity; but at the same time, it is a policy of upstanding stale or unproved dogmas, and having the courage to upstand broken organisational structures or deficient leadership. That is Politstroika truncated to its basic purpose.

Let us be cautious, there are some so-called ,,reformers'', as I alluded to earlier, who should abuse the objectives above as an absolute mandate to deconstruct socialism, without reconstructing any piece of it whatever. These radical ,,reformers'' were at first thought to comprise merely Right-Wing liberals. This estimation is erroneous. Nor is the nebulous scare-crow of Left-Communism synonymous with the pseudo-reform counter-revolutionaries who should utilise for subversion our efforts of reform. Pseudo-reform counter-revolutionaries do indeed dwell, not being a mere fabrication or figment of the Purges, but neither are they stereotypes of those we may disagree with. The pseudo-reform counter-revolutionaries are much likelier taken to emulating closest agreement with us. A Bolshevik-Leninist* should have a hard time poisoning the Soviet well, but a ,,devoted son of Stalin''? Much more dangerous.

*One implicit policy of Gladsnost is to abolish the infantile personalisms 'Trotskyist', 'Stalinist', and 'Bukharinist/Dengist' straight into the dust-bin of history. The proper, comradely terms for these ideologies and their followers are, respectively, Bolshevik-Leninist, Marxist-Leninist, and Reform-Leninist.

Politstroika is less a right than Gladsnost, and more a duty. Commonly held wisdom holds that with every right comes a duty; thus, if Politstroika should falter, so shall that to be enjoyed in Gladsnost. There are currently nay programmes associated with Politstroika, for it is much closer as well to an institutional policy than Gladsnost. Never the less, Thoughts of a Comrade has a heritage of upholding the spirit of Politstroika against the corruption or injustice found in Leftist parties, and this tradition it shall maintain.

IV. Disclosnost

Disclosnost, per its name meaning disclosiveness (disclosure?), is in many senses the equivalent to the original policy of Glasnost, itself Openness. The purpose of Disclosnost is to promote transparency and attentiveness betwixt society, state, party, and comrades, as an unnegotiable communist value, barring real, unexaggerated crises.

Let us face it with openness, comrades: communists and our institutions have not only a bad reputation, but indeed a very bad habit of undue and undemocratic secrecy. There are times and for issues when such a form of operation is necessary. However, let it be clear that the growing shadow of secrecy which tends to engulf communist organisations and institutions is unacceptable, to say naught of how damaging this queer behaviour is to party/political health. Secrecy is an act of emergency, precipitated by a whelming crisis that the standard structure and operation of the party are incapable of satisfactorily coping with— and do not forget this, comrades. Remember well that we 'communists disdain to conceal our views and aims', and that what we declare, we declare so openly. Conspiracy, subterfuge, and secrecy are nothing else than a retreat from communist virtue. Dishonour yourself at your own disdainment. We are Leninists, for Blanquists are the dust-bin.

Disclosnost does currently possess a functioning programme. Diskommizdat, or 'dissident communist publishing', is a programme concerned with the publication of materials, whether by or from communists, which might otherwise be concealed or suppressed on authority of party leadership. Some might call this treason; me, I call it communism, pure and final! Diskommizdat is building true freedom of the proletarian press, out-moding that lame burgher pretension to it. Do not tell Comrade Yezhov or Comrade Angelo, but I have a whole shelf of Bukharin's and Trotsky's works, the Ryutin Platform, and Zamyatin's works (I am certainly getting [Lubyoinkad] for this). Comrades, in order to achieve socialism in the next five years... we must distribute photo-copiers, type-writers, and printing presses to even the remotest household: communism is socialist power plus mass free publication!

As I said, Diskommizdat is a functioning programme, but its nature does require sufficient discretion, all jesting aside. I do feel at liberty to say that a collection of material from a communist organisation, which should otherwise have fallen into concealed oblivion (in this case because nay one cares about it), is being made ready for disclosure. One can not be a Leninist if he may not earnestly proclaim 'the truth will Bolshevise you and me'. This is one of the grave mistakes of unfaith made by our usually zealous Comrade Stalin.

Like the others, Disclosnost is a policy in development. Future programmes and initiatives are to be expected from it. Again, I must point out that so long as Thoughts of a Comrade is the sole organisation upholding these reforms, it should be a very long passing in struggle ere the Left remotely begins to reap any benefits from the Four Nosts and Stroikas.

V. Theorestroika

Perhaps the least innovative of the Four Nosts and Stroikas, Theorestroika, meaning simply theoretical restructuring, covers all the non-political/party bases of Politstroika. This coverage makes it the least innovative as it is, practically speaking, the policy where the economic reforms, socialist reforms, and philosophical reforms exist. Though it was created last, and is more general than the previous three platforms, it is none the less important than them.

The philosophical reforms of Theorestroika are already under way. Yet there is some immense difficulty present here. Theorestroika is more in line with the original Glasnost, since every comrade is likely to have a differing opinion on the largest, and likely most divisive field which Theorestroika becompasses. The point, therefore, is to allow discussion and debate, to dislodge any dogma which may have accrued. That is the fundamental purpose of Theorestroika.

VI. The Unaccounted Nost and Stroika

These Four Nosts and Stroikas are certainly the most important for the successful implementation of Reform, and are as well, I postulate, the four which affect most comrades, thus proving most agreeable. Yet there is one more nost and stroika each which still many comrades should patently find missing if these were not here revealed, being the policies one renovated, one novel in Leftist history: the (twin) policies of Kulturnost and Spiristroika.

But again, what are these two nosts and stroikas? Let us see what Mikhail Sergeyevich has to say on the matter...

% picks up his Selected Speeches and Articles %.

I jest. We will, as with the other four, look into each policy individually.

VII. Kulturnost

Kulturnost obviously means, plainly, culturedness. It is borrowed from a previous Soviet idea, but make nay mistake, it is a unique policy of Reform in its present iteration. Though it must be distinguished from the Soviet Kulturnost, perhaps this commonality will give conservatives pause before they completely disown Reform-Leninism as a counter-revolutionary plot— we will see. We are not going to deal with the historical Kulturnost, for that is mostly immaterial to the understanding of the policy in front of us, and should only cause undue confusion and burden.

There are two parts, or rather two phases, as may in a moment be seen. The first phase of Kulturnost is the re-establishment of a common and formal sociality ('culture' in the socio-communal sense), and the lowest delineation of unacceptable and harmful behaviours that society can not tolerate (exempli gratia wanton murder). The second phase, for which the first is a prerequisite, is the long-term re-establishment of particular cultures (national in the United States Union, professional/vocational in formal occupations) and a general high culture for the flourishing of ideal nobility in polite society. Both of these phases, this policy, are imperative for the development of a thriving, healthy society, as as well for the utter defeat of the burgher, gang, and clique socialities, which are gaining a dangerous foot-hold and level of prestige, as US imperialism loses more ground and cohesion.

Many on the so-called Left, if indeed even a 'Left' there is visible, wish to ignore the growing crisis of an imperially declining sociality and culture. And what is filling in these gaps, is most concerning— certainly not Leftist, or friendly to Leftism (its proclaimed ideals, at least). To ignore this damaging problem is to accept yezhovshchina as the inevitable outcome, for that is the almost certain result of the degeneration of the aforementioned socialities. In an escalative formula, burgherdom begets atomic individualism; gangdom begets paranoid terror; cliquedom begets irreconciliable disruption. All of these end in the dissolution of society, soon or late: by anarcho-liberalism, by societal incapacitation, and by civil war or a statch*, respectively. The Left's duty is to prevent these problems from escalating into crises in the first place.

*Abbreviation of 'state in change' or 'state-change'; see coup d'etat

Though the prospective policies for Kulturnost will by large writ be particularist, even heterogenous, being, I surmise, a long time well ere such policies can be agreed upon for canonisation and integration at the community level (never mind the societal), I will here provide some points of counsel. To begin, every comrade seeking to join the cultural apparatuses of the Party must first be made to experience 'It's a Mad World My Masters', 'Hey Then Up Go We'*, 'The Vicar of Bray', or one of the works of de Balzac, et cetera, and must then write an essay on liberal capitalism's anti-social and anti-cultural destructiveness, then examining, either at the end of the essay or in front of a panel of responsible, culturally begaged Party cadres, how socialism must and indeed can overcome burgher degeneracy. Stalin is not merely monarch of this movement: he, Koba, is our holy father given the hammer and sickle by Saint Ilyich. Let he who may chuse his father or monarch verily say of himself 'we are all kings, so each may do his pleasure, and liquidate the Line and ranks, to be "right" beyond all measure'. An attack on one is an attack on all.

*Also betitled 'Know this, My Brethren'

Kulturnost is not merely tasked with making life and society more appealing in various regards, but likely as important, to re-build the discipline found of duty and high culture. Ya, there were excesses in the past; there were serious periods where Comrade Stalin did not take sufficient account of comrades'— inside and outside the Party— opinions on matters of consequence or contention. This mistake does not, however, make acceptable the hedonistic, libertarian, and frankly arrogant mindset which has, specially after 1991, taken to plaguing the Left to the point of a crisis itself, or perhaps a pre-crisis at best. We have never the less an obligation, in our duty as communists (party cadres or independent comrades) to solve this crisis before it can roll any farther from the rail track.

We will have to see together how, or if, Thoughts of a Comrade advances Kulturnost. It is probably the most difficult if innovative policy to be implemented, but implemented under the Banner of Reform it must be. The Philosopher's Interior ought to be re-tooled to fulfil this purpose, but we must see.

VIII.Spiristroika

The final stroika is probably more sharply contentious, for matters of spirituality, ideas of both religion and ideology (religion being pre-Enlightenment ideology), are deeply held and rarely open to genuine discussion. However that may be, I can not ignore that many comrades are uneasy about the decline of a dominant, well-defined and self-defining teleology, and structure of belief therefrom. Because the want of spiritual structure, of Spiristroika, if you will, is felt not merely amongst the masses, but amongst our fellow comrades, it is our duty as communists to serve the Folk regardless of our personal opinion on the matter.

Some may know that my personal view is rather at odds with Spiristroika. Whilst I readily acknowledge the utility, even psychological vitality, of religion (including religion being organised at some level), I prefer to maintain the advanced Enlightenment principle of the separation of theology and ideology, of faith and thought relating to natural, material fact. Whether be it liturgitising Lenin or Christifying the path to communism: nay divine doing is going to come down and set the policy of the Communist Party— here or after.

The Party, as such an entity, may not be a religious institution. If comrades must absolutely pray at an altar of Marx, and repeat their 'long live Lenins', then so it must be, but leave this spiritual edification outside the doors of our parties' congresses, I beg, nay indeed that, I pray you. What policies come to be betailed by Spiristroika is not to be decided by me, for I am not personally invested in this stroika. I await the will of the Folk and its parties to answer this question, so that I may faithfully serve the Folk, per Comrade Mao's injunction.

IX. Final Statements

Whatever these four Nosts and Stroikas turn out to be, I am assured to Adhere to The Four Nosts and Stroikas, that I shall veer Not a Nost or Stroika Off Course as I Forwards Hold The Lenin Banner of Reform. All these slogans I have invented, some taking from earlier times and others completely novel, are not pointless activist play upon a lonely room of the vast Internetwork. This entire project is not aimed at immediate change on the Left, locked-down by fear, sectarianism, and dogmatic orthodoxy as it is currently, but at serving as a buoy for future Leftists to discover and, it is hoped, to move forwards with said buoy's assistance. The original Glasnost and Perestroika, namely its documents and those inspiring slogans contained therein, did indeed kindle me new hope. I have nay special love for Comrade Gorbachev as I do for Comrade Bukharin, Comrade Deng, Comrade Jiang, and Comrade Stalin, to say nothing of the big three comrades. But to see the project which Comrade Gorbachev started, and certainly misled, should be a terrible crime against all future communists. Comrade Gorbachev neither laid the initial puddle of fuel nor struck the igniting match (Comrades Brezhnev and Kosygin, and Comrade Andropov, respectively), and he did not steer it alone at any moment. Ought we to disrespect the legacies of Comrade Ryzhkov, Comrade Ligachev, and everyone else involved, then?

The Left is not yet ready to re-enter serious politic; who can blame it? But that is nay excuse for individual communists to abandon our posts and forsake the old cause. For now, communists must continue building small parties and organisations, educating where they may, and retreating into personal monasteries, working on projects only to be found when the Left is at last again capable of development. This is why I have constructed this platform, and why Thoughts of a Comrade will remain committed to furthering these necessary reforms.

Now, allow me to address some of the miscellaneous concerns, though they are nay less critical or of any less interest. A word about the names of these policies, I should be remiss and in breach of Disclosnost not to grant. I anticipate that a few otherwise amenable comrades may be found abated in their support due to the relation of these names to the legacy of the generally poorly received Gorbachev Government. Indeed, let me reassure these comrades that, outside of my immense admiration for the boldness of Comrade Gorbachev's embrace of reform in every sector, I hold nay illusions, and many criticisms, of his policies and perspective. It is why I tend to celebrate Comrade Deng as the symbol of successful reform and communist integrity, putting Comrade Gorbachev somewhere in the background, that I may avoid embarrassment.

Why, then, have I broken this typical line in something so important, indeed dire, as these policies at the revived dawn of Reform-Leninism? The answer is quite simple: just as I refuse to purge Comrade Stalin, and celebrate his birth-day every year as the December holiday, I also refuse to purge Comrade Gorbachev, or what is perhaps worse, pretend that he never existed, as an eternal unmanship (persona non grata) in socialist history. I have so named these policies because the names are apt, because the experience of their name-sakes can be useful, and because this is the first stand taken in the promotion of Gladsnost, all the better for occurring at the very core of the reform movement. Learn from Comrade Gorbachev, learn from Comrade Deng; that is how to be a Politstroika (upstanding) communist.

Allow me to say something about the inter-relation of the Four Nosts and Stroikas with my other intellectual projects, such as New Socialist Constitutional Law, the Union Council of Communist Parties and Institutions and Court of Socialist Hearing, and re-forging of a distinct Reform-Leninist tradition. Officially, all of these projects are designed to be separate but complimentary, meaning any vanguard party could, whilst adopting the Four Nosts and Stroikas for internal party use, declare all my other projects to be revisionist counter-revolutionary social-fascism with bourgeois-liberal characteristics. This should still be a victory, albeit a lesser one. Ideally, at some point the Reform-Leninist movement solidifies and comes together in accepting, or at least trying, in good scientific socialist experimentation, most or all of the projects in unison. Reform is a struggle; it is a class struggle at the level of theory, where praxis and doctrine meet. To oppose Reform is therefore to oppose the advance of socialism.

The truly final thing I shall say is that I have personally been disappointed by the stench of timidity emanating from the Left— what was originally the stronghold of revolutionary enthusiasm. Now most Leftists, including a group I founded and helped build, have taken to hiding in the Lubyanka's basement, lights turned out and pistols drawn, living in Terror that this or that sacred orthodoxy might be questioned. If the Lubyanka is the last bastion of socialist rule, the Kremlin having fallen to crypto-fascist revisionists, then that socialism has already perished, and it is foolish to think otherwise. It is even more foolish, however, to barricade the doors of the Lubyanka or the streets of Tirana, and to in them institute a dogmatism to rival that found in theocracies. Either we say 'Lenin lives' because we believe it, trusting in both his theory and our fellow comrades, or we say it because we are secretly afraid it has become unbelievable. I chuse the former, but I suspect for many hard-liners it is in fact the latter. Lenin lives because Reform-Leninism still lives; Lenin is also alive and walking the streets of the Folk's Republic of China, where Reform and Opening Up have triumphed. Lenin is dead, and worse, buried in the rest of the Left

If all my particular policies and projects should fail utterly, I hope that they will at the minimum re-open the discussion on Reform for the US or Western Left, which at this moment in history may be counted a glorious achievement. By 2050, New English Socialism with Yankee Sensibilities will be seventy-five years behind Socialism with Chinese Characteristics (assuming it has even taken power at all by then, or made real steps to, anywise. We must make this up in twenty-five, or the rednecks will destroy New English Socialism with Yankee Sensibilities. That is fact.

X. Currently Practicable Policies to Begin Implementation

I. Diskommizdat (Dissident Communist Publishing): the publication of materials which are imminently pertinent to the whole communist party/organisation membership or the masses, but which should otherwise have been hidden by party/organisation leadership, or in some manner made generally or practically inaccessible to the majority of those whom the documents concern and impact.

II. Commrehabin (Comradely Rehabilitation Initiative): the initiative spawned from Gladsnost to formulate the proper procedure for rehabilitating any comrade facing denunciation or unmanship by any ideology or tendency. The Commrehabin is also responsible for determining who ought to remain purged (exempli gratia Yagoda, Yezhov, Pol Pot, Solzhenitsyn, A N Yakovlev, Yeltsin).

III. Reform-Leninist Construction; Reformed Marxist-Leninist Construction; Reformed Communist Construction: A unified model of new thinking based upon the demonstrable science of rigourously applied Marxism-Leninism, aimed at readying Leninism for developments in the new century. Reform-Leninism also seeks to remove any ancillary ideas or customs stuck to Marxism-Leninism throughout history, that Marxism-Leninism may function optimally and remain unencumbered and innovative. The final codification of the successes of Reform-Leninism will be called Reformed Marxism-Leninism, and its parties and organisations Reformed Communism/ists. The storeys of the unified model must begin construction together, though some will be slower, and may have to wait for the others to advance a bit before they can get moving again.

IV. Historical Materialist Elaboration of Socialist History: the policy of Histmatelapah is an on-going project of analysing the history of communist parties and their socialist states, with the objective of constructing a cohesive historiographical structure to aid in comrades' education on complicated matters. Avoiding difficult mountains is the height of liberal cowardice.

V. Critique the So-Calleds Campaign: for one to truly be a communist, he must be able to remonstrate a comrade's criticism, or must otherwise accept and learn from it. This campaign is a promotion of inter-Leftist discourse through the advocacy to criticise any organisation which so calls itself communist.

VI. Learning Leninism through Law: a bold new campaign to revolutionise the intellectually productive forces through the study, construction, and application of Renewed Socialist Legality and New Socialist Constitutional Law at present. Only by learning the law can practical communists serve the Folk after the revolution.

VII. New Socialist Constitutional Law: developing a constitutional analysis for all states, burgher and socialist alike, will advance communist parties to a qualitatively higher mode of institutional discourse. Once a modestly thorough examination of burgher law and constitutions has been completed, communists will be able to begin the construction of our own constitutional and legal discourse for the successful stabilisation of the revolution and its movement.

These are the examples of currently practicable policies to forward the Four Nosts and Stroikas.

(Post Scriptum. One day, a Reformed Communist party ought to create a Large Language Model AI and chat-bot based on all the principles detailed herein. It ought to be called NostifAI.)

XI. Further Readings on Reform-Leninism

A brief list of present articles detailing the nature of Reform-Leninism and its encompassing policies.

A List of Problems on the Left: Discussing Gladsnost and Politstroika: the origination article detailing the problems facing Gladsnost and Politstroika, and Reform-Leninism generally, which are being sought to rectify. Offers the initial theoretical basis underlying Reform-Leninism.

Bureaucratic Socialism is SUCCESSFUL Socialism: Oppose the Revolutionary Leader Cult and Grand Performances: A new analysis of Soviet history, tracing the lineage, successes, and failures of bureaucratic reform in relation to revolutionary leadership, grand performances, and the pervasive 'anti-bureaucrat scenario' (bureaucraphobia).

Musings on the Betrayal of Friendship by the Left and Lawful Responses: an analysis of the social and personal death of friendship and Gladsnost on the Left (and in the USSR), and potential responses which adhere to Renewed Socialist Legality.

Memorandum on The Study of Soviet and Socialist Legal Legacies for the Construction of New Socialist Constitutional Law: a brief outline of the problems facing New Socialist Constitutional Law and Renewed Socialist Legality, and some ways to develop these projects in a positive direction.

Towards an Old Class and New Socialist Constitutional Law: a radical re-examination of the role of the peasantry in relation to the proletariat, and a call for the institution of a rigourous project of developing post-liberal constitutional law right now.

Merry Stalintime Address 2024; Advocating Comradery, Moderation, and Care in Reform: a plea to exercise restraint, discretion, and vigilance in the process of the Comradely Rehabilitation Initiative (Commrehabin) against further denunciations.

Musings on the Stalin Problem for Gladsnost and Politstroika: addressing the finer points of the previous post, a short exploration of the Stalin Problem and its incongruity with the Yezhovshchina Problem.

The Leader This and That; Against the Substitution of Revolutionary Personalities for Real Historical Enquiry: the first article in a planned expansion of the explication for the novel practical modes of Reform-Leninist theory and praxis, namely the division betwixt party work and real scholarship.

Commentary on the Programme of the American Communist Party: an in-depth Reform-Leninist commentary on nearly all the sections of the newly formed American Communist Party's Programme and policies.

Commentary on the Declaration of the American Communist Party: an examination of the declaration of secession/reconstitution released by the American Communist Party upon being silenced at the CPUSA Congress.

XII. Slogans to Promote the Ideals of

the Four Nosts and Stroikas

With every right comes a duty.

Uphold the Four Nosts and Stroikas.

Not a Nost or Stroika Off Course.

Avoiding difficult mountains is the height of liberal cowardice.

Critique the so-calleds to stregthen communism.

Expand the Five Examples by ten-fold in the span of months.

Forwards hold the Lenin Banner of Reform

Hold up High the Lenin Reform Banner

Proudly March Forth the Flag of Reform-Leninism

Spurn the liberals; liberate the masses.

More Glasnost, less Perestroika; Opening up before Reform.

Have comradery, moderation, and care in Reform.

Oppose partyclost; partyclost is the capitalist of socialism

With a hammer or a nail-gun, Reformed Communism will be constructed.

Reform-Leninism is Marxism-Leninism made ready for the century.

Bureaucratic socialism is successful; revolutionary cults are infantile.

Bureaucratic socialism is successful, and revolutionary cults are not.

Poisoning debate kills more than opposition.

A forthright party stands formidable; a censurous party crumbles like sand in conflict.

Upholding the party does not just mean factual policy, but boldly fulfilling promises.

Establish political freedom; call upon the Folk's deputies.

Free expression is our weapon; our tool is nostification.

Dare to dream of a brighter future as Vladimir Ilyich instructed.

Follow the instruction of Comrade Lenin: dare to dream

Let a hundred tulips bloom; let the parties hear the truth.

Let a hundred tulips bloom; let us find out what is true.