What is the Current Economy/Mode of Production
We have left the late stage of capitalism for the beginning of a transitional stage of state economy, or state-capitalism. The plan of production is now in the hands of the interested intelligentsia, an offshoot of the managerial class which rested under the leadership of the industrial magnates, the Henry Clay Fricks which harshly managed the factory floor for their bosses, the Andrew Carnegies. Now the interested intelligentsia, neo- and social- liberal more than their classical-liberal bosses, are interested precisely in a new political-economy, that is, a politicised economy. The bourgeoisie-politique replaces the folksburghers as the predominant capitalist strain of the economy, whereby the folksburgher transcends his class interest into the abysmal state of anti-revolution revolutionary. In this manner, the folksburgher replaces the petit-bourgeois, and the petit-bourgeois transforms into the lower manager-overseers of the interested intelligentsia, of liberal management. This necessarily ropes the state into matters of industry and market. That is all I shall say for the moment.
2. What is Socialist Economy, How do we Get There?
Socialist economy is a planned and centralised economy under the supervision of two separate though equally important institutions: the aristocratic vanguard of the proletarian nobility, which maintains high culture and is by its nature unequitable, and the masses of the proletariat and peasantry, which serve to stabilise the egalitarian base 0f the economy, without rampantly destroying that which is hard and unequal, but good and ultimately equitable. Deng was right to partially open the markets, under the strict watch of the CPC. For though Juche is genuinely socialist, the DPRK is a small land, and it will take them a very long time to build the productive forces necessary to become completely self-sufficient. Time will tell if the CPC or the WPK way is the best way to socialism in the end. Socialism is not about overthrowing rule or elite, but about abolishing class. This is an insight which may be found in Eliot's Notes Towards a Definition of Culture.
3. What is the current mode of political organisation?
The current mode is that of the liberal management, also known as the interested intelligentsia, which seeks to politicise society whilst also de-ideologising it, keeping the masses just blind enough that they may still partake in the liberal management's petty inter-capitalist squabbles. This ruling class is by far the most nuisance-like, getting involved in cultural, social, and political affairs alike which otherwise concern it not, and certainly does not directly impact their coffers in any way. This is where the modern political party in the bourgeois sense becomes formed: it is a party that does not have a physical organ from which to distribute ideologically-conscious news and specialised knowledge, and it only serves to vote in the manner of 'capitalist X bad, capitalist Y good!', wholly draining every class and stratum in society of morale, to the point that they and their society resembles a dried-out husk in the usually impassioned history of mankind. This is combined with an almost theological addiction to the 'perfection of technology', which is likewise a horribly alienating, utterly disturbing development in contrast to all man's wisdom regarding inanimate, unreal, all-consuming totalitarian systems such as technology. How the seeming merger of state and capitalist power in the transition to state-capitalism will play out in relation to fascism will be a curious question which I feel cannot be answered in so short an article. I will say that fascism will not look the same as it once did, and I believe the Right is too radical now to be the centre of fascism. I suspect that the roots of fascism, at least, will be firmly in the centre, and may only use the Right, perhaps even both the Right and Left together, to accomplish its fascist goal, in assumption that it so has a goal, which I feel could equally-validly be argued that it does not have. It is quite possible that fascism has been altogether outmoded, and will never be seen again, or for a very long time in a very different form, at any rate.
4. What is the optimal form of political organisation.
The optimal form of political organisation is two-fold: there must be an institution of the vanguard aristocracy of the Proletarian Nobility, but then there must be the general organisations, the Citizen's Clubs for political consciousness in a practical sense, and the Gentleman's Clubs for cultural-philosophical consciousness in a deeper, more groundrising, fundamental sense. This is how the unison of practise and theory is to be forged. For the moment, the Club-System should take precedence, until there is a sufficient amount of class-conscious elements in society from which to pull an aristocracy of the proletarian nobility. This is a formulation in the making, and I know it requires a deeper undertaking than time at present permits, so I shall leave the optimal form at this.
5. What are the foundational concepts that we feel we need a deeper understanding or update of?
I feel that the cultural question, both in the sense of high-culture, and in the sense of the national division which uniquely characterises both the American and British States must be studied further. Colin Woodard's excellent treatment of the American Problem would be, I think, an ideal start. American Nations is the best known treatment, at any rate, though there was an earlier one which he references, called Albion's seed, if memory serves. Without the formulation of a strategy to combat the liberal management's hyper-politic in culture, the Left shall easily be defeated the revolutionary Right comprising the at-once ald and new class of the folksburghers, who court many of the disparate elements of society, many of them not in fact Right-wing, which have been alienated by the interested intelligentsia and its pitiful attempts at ethical outrage. Either the Left will defeat the liberal managers in the culture war, or the 'Folksright' will unite and fight this decay into the incinerator of snowflake history.
It is now, at this ending moment that I realise I have failed to mention the great and glorious Patrick Deneen, he who unites all that is good and in favour of preservation, but his influence, be not mistook, is deeply interwoven in these answers I have given. Deneen is so important to the answering of these questions that his contribution to intellectual-history transcends and defies personal categorisation in but a small, secluded piece of this response. His intellectual spirit, I am quite certain, can be found all over the words I have written, but it would all the same be a dishonour not to mention this wonderful, enlightening gentleman by name, who has done so much in such a short time to revitalise and reawaken society from its dreadful morass of resignation. Thank you.
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