Happy Revolution Day 109

7 November 2026.

Our dearest comrades, we send you this message from the office of Thoughts of a Comrade far and wide: Glad Revolution Day One-Hundred-and-Nine! Let us continue to maintain comradeship and friendship in Gladsnost (Cordialness). This honoured date teaches thus— not sectarianism, not shunning. For what is our slogan other than 'All Power to the Soviets (Moots)!'? And do, say, our New English town hall moots not contain many opposing opinions? Is that any reason to dissolve the moots and soviets of the world? In our opinion, and that opinion of the Bolshevik Party, certainly not.

The Left, infected as it has been by the Yezhovite mind-set on the one hand, and liberal 'micro-transgression' individualism on the other, should seemingly wish to forget the lessons of October, for those vicious and utterly uncomradely ones which substituted from the Civil War thereafter. Comrades, we must subject these supposedly ,,more advanced'' latter lessons to the critical truths of October. That Vladimir Ilyich, the leader and master strategist of our revolution, should work with Mensheviks like Comrade Plekhanov, Comrade Gorky, and Comrade Trotsky, and even Bolsheviks in varying levels of dissidence such as Comrade Bogdanov, Comrade Kamenev, and Comrade Zinoviev, the latter two having so opposed the revolution itself, ought to give us a substantial pause when confronting vindictive Yezhovite and liberal impulses. Remember and practise this Reform-Leninist formulation: Never Shun a Comrade; Never Stifle Discourse.

Revolution is not a selfish (liberal individualist or axe-grinding Yezhovite) act. It is not a time to settle scores or to push for mass shunning. Revolution is a referendum in the true sense of direct democracy. It is the opposite of mass purging and shunning: it is society-wide comradeship against a dogmatic, back-stabbing, anti-social ruling class. You are not welcome at the Winter Palace, but you are expected at Smolny. Comrades will wonder where you are, and if you have sent a telegram or letter, you can be reassured that your comrades will get back to you. Not so from the cold confines of the Winter Palace, where a chilly reception is a rare gift to none at all, to a blistering wind of silence. The warm bulbs and crowded camp-fires of and around Smolny, the joyful fervour and comradely air makes the bitter posts of the Winter Palace ever more miserable, adding to the disheartening whispers of so-called ,,comrades'' trapped alongside you (but not with you!) behind those iron gates.

How the distant heaven of Smolny must seem like a palace thereof Elysium, contrasted to its Demiurgic bastardisation in the Winter Palace, fashioned from the stone of a graveyard. Revolution is hope, and highest of all, socialising hope.

Perhaps social hope was not the primary motivation in the pre-liberal past. But since then, liberal capitalism has deforested nearly to the root the wald of organic sociality and cultivated (high) culture, enclosing and now foreclosing that gemeanship so pains-takingly grown by feudalism in the aftermath of the Roman Dissolution, a social catastrophe of ultimate scale rivalled solely by the Bronze Age Collapse. Indeed, the occurrence of the first truly successful socialist (socialitively anti-liberal, economically industrialist) revolution in a land where feudalism remained strong yet, suggest the revolutionary phenomenon. The ailing god of liberal capitalism (also known as Jeffrey) attempted to undress Mother Russia, to add her to all the broken prostitutes that compose the West, especially those colonies without a traditional feudal inheritance. As we know from history, she broke this old degenerate's leg in 1905, and when he came back for more play in 1917, on this very date, she strangled him. Jeffrey never kills himself: either the ruling class employs its fascist goons to eliminate him after the fact, or his victims, the masses he has trodden down upon, kill him in the vile act. For revolution is also a form of self-defence, which of course requires having any hope, itself, of efficacy.

Unfortunately for us, liberal capitalism has developed dementia at this point. Any position of a rational line through history must respond to the ahistorical and socially degenerating patterns which are presently being witnessed, and likely means that these initially arose more than a few decades ago. We do not mean to 'measure the glory', but the All-Russian masses may actually have had it easier than us, from a social institution, socialitive, and even still a (high) cultural view— see the literacy crisis and the decline in 'intellectually demanding' works, fiction or non-fiction. That the Russian worker and the British post-peasant tiller of the previous century may be more social and more well-read, or more enlightened, than the average American is an astounding obstacle to begin grappling with. Another time, alas.

It is important to remember that no one comrade will have the totality of the answers, the 'perfect party line' all of himself, and that Comrade Lenin, for this very reason, kept open house with comrades of many divergent views. Purging comrades is the last resort, and shunning comrades is outright infantile cowardice unbecoming of a professional communist. If we had our way, conspiring to organise shunning— note that ,,ghosting'' is a vulgar euphemism to deflect both personal and social responsibility —compaigns against comrades should be grounds for a purge for uncomradely conduct and dereliction of honest communist duty (indeed decency!) in every organisation. However, we are also not utopians. So do your part, comrades, in remembering your duty to comradeship this Revolution Day. Follow the comradely example of our own Vladimir Ilyich, and unite with as many comrades as possible, despite your disagreements.

Glad 109th; Forwards Hold the Lenin Banner of Reform.

—Thoughts of a Comrade